NPR checked in with several member station reporters to see what the rise of independent voters "They don't know a lot of the candidates. Based on the characteristics of the candidates, the parties and the campaign, the .. and party variables (in Table 1 below) and their bivariate relation with an index of We do not consider our results a test of the theorized manifesto and party-related .. At the other end of the spectrum are the Team Stronach candidates. differently, but both strive to achieve the same electoral end. For better or worse, candidates with a party label are tied to the party's elected leaders. are different from political parties in that they do not run their own candidates for office, such as maintaining links with the public like direct mail-fundraising, e- mail lists.
This may be particularly true in post-conflict countries, in which political parties are frequently associated with male-dominated military groups. For example, they may require parties to affirm their position on gender equality in the party constitution. They may mandate that party management and party policy committees be gender balanced. Political party laws, or in some cases election laws, may require a gender balance in candidate lists as well.
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Alternatively, laws may offer parties incentives such as more free broadcast time or additional public funding if they include certain numbers of women among their candidates. New laws are often introduced in post-conflict countries, providing an ideal opportunity to incorporate these and other provisions aimed at ensuring equal political participation for women. One of the most effective ways to ensure women are elected to office is to require that party candidate lists be gender balanced or include a certain proportion of women.
This is a legal obligation in many countries. The effectiveness of such systems, however, depends very much on the details of their implementation. For example, a requirement that candidate lists include 50 per cent women will not be effective if the women are all placed at the bottom of the lists. Women can have no realistic expectation of success in proportional systems unless they are placed high enough on the candidate lists to be elected if the party wins seats in the legislature.
Some countries have adopted variations of this system, requiring that women hold designated places on the lists see box 3. Parties may even try to circumvent the purpose of a zippered list by encouraging voters to reorder the candidates when they cast their votes.
Political Parties and Interest Groups
Experience in many countries has shown that open list voting often works to the disadvantage of women candidates unless women in the country are exceptionally well organized politically. In the worst cases, parties in some countries require women to submit pre-signed letters of resignation when they are nominated so that they can be replaced with men if they are elected. This type of situation can be averted if the law specifies that any woman removed from a candidate list or resigning from office must be replaced by another woman.
This illustrates the importance of clarity and close attention to detail in the drafting of legislation. Since the provision is written in a gender-neutral manner, it should not be regarded as a temporary special measure as set out in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, but may constitute a permanent part of the law.
Other countries have similar requirements.
Article 4, paragraph 19, of the election law requires that every candidate list include male and female candidates. The number of minority gender candidates shall be at least equal to the total number of candidates on the list, divided by three 3 rounded to the closest integer. In countries in which there is no legislation requiring that women be included on party lists, political parties may adopt voluntary targets or quotas for women candidates.
This strategy has been implemented successfully in many areas. Such measures are most effective when linked to a specific time frame and accompanied by training and resources for women party members and candidates. Parties may also adopt a code of conduct that includes requirements regarding participation by women and gender equality. For example, political party laws could stipulate that a certain number or proportion of party candidates in elections at various levels must be women, though this would be harder to implement fairly in majority systems than in proportional systems.
Political party constitutions could require that a specific number or proportion of women be put forward as candidates, or parties could set voluntary targets to this end. Governments could also adopt measures to encourage parties to field more women as candidates in majority systems, perhaps by offering benefits such as additional campaign financing to parties nominating greater numbers of women. As explained in Briefing Note No.
National and international actors involved in shaping post-conflict electoral processes should carefully consider the benefits of incorporating these or similar special measures into electoral systems and the long-term effects they may have within specific contexts. If appropriately applied, such measures can broaden democracy and contribute to effective peace-building. In many countries, political parties have established special wings for women that can contribute to their advancement.
Party Identification and Its Implications
This mechanism can provide an avenue for women to become active, learn political skills, and develop networks within the party. By addressing gender equality and other issues of special concern to women, parties can increase their relevance to women voters and provide a greater incentive for women to become involved in the political process.Jermaine Dupri - Welcome To Atlanta ft. Ludacris
Priorities may include identifying women to stand as candidates, providing training on dealing with the media and other issues, developing networks to advance women in politics both within the party and across party lines, and assisting with gender-sensitive civic and voter education. Media The media, and particularly electronic media, play a crucial role in shaping voter interest in and attitudes about an election.
This is true in all elections, including those held in post-conflict countries. NPR checked in with several member station reporters to see what the rise of independent voters means in different parts of the country.
Young Voters Flex Political Muscles Colorado's more than 1 million officially unaffiliated voters now outnumber Republicans and Democrats in the state. Both parties have aboutregistered voters.
Many are under the age of 35, the millennial generation. Colorado has the second-fastest-growing millennial population in the country, and, by far, the most as a proportion of the population of any swing state. To get a sense of their political power, consider the fact that more Republicans voted in the elections than Democrats.
Republican Mitt Romney should have been the favorite, "but as it was, the unaffiliated probably washed out that difference and then created the winning margin for Obama," said Judd Choate, who runs the elections division for the Colorado secretary of state's office. That winning margin was thanks in part to voters like Sara Heisdorffer. The year-old lives in the Denver suburb of Westminster.
Like many of her friends, neither the Democratic nor the Republican party interests her. Like many unaffiliated voters, however, she's not necessarily independent and generally votes for Democrats. It's a long-running pattern to see younger voters of any generation not identify with political parties. But "this is as pronounced as it's ever been. But these trends may be changing this election. Since September, 30, voters have registered with the Colorado Democratic party.
That includes voters such as Curtis Haverkamp, who attended a Bernie Sanders rally a few months back. At the rally, he learned unaffiliated voters like him couldn't participate in the caucus.
Both the Sanders and Hillary Clinton campaigns have been on voter registration drives here, so it's not clear yet who this spike in Democratic registration will favor. But Haverkamp says either way, the day after the caucus, he'll switch back to being unaffiliated. Puerto Ricans Opt Out Of Party System In the packed parking lot of a supermarket in the central Florida city of Kissimmee, Jeamy Ramirez and her staff pace toward customers with clipboards in hand, trying to register new voters.
Half the population of this growing area are Latino and native Spanish speakers. In the past year, thousands of Puerto Ricans have left the struggling island for central Florida, and they're the fastest-growing group of independent voters in this crucial swing state, according to an analysis of voter registration data from the Florida secretary of state's office.
New Puerto Rican arrivals find that moving to Florida means being able to vote for president, something that's not possible on the island, and adjusting to a completely different political system.
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They start seeing the debates and all that stuff. That's why they put no party affiliation," said Ramirez. But many newcomers keep their focus on politics in Puerto Rico.
It is an ever-present topic of conversation. Here in the U. Ramos says other barriers to voting are language, voter registration requirements and a general feeling of distance from the political process.
But even Puerto Ricans who have been here a long time choose to stay out of the party system.