The Eritreans fleeing to Ethiopia | | Al Jazeera
Tigray: Tigray, people of central Eritrea and of the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia. The Tigray speak Tigrinya, a Semitic language related to Geʿez and to . A general scenario of historical relations and some political factors in One of the highland Semitic peoples of Eritrea and Tigray Province in. Tigrayans (Tigrinya: ተጋሩ; tägaru) are an ethnic group in Eritrea and Ethiopia. They mainly inhabit the highlands of Eritrea and the Tigray Region of . the Zaydites of the Yemen, whose connection to the coast is known from the 17th century.
About 60 percent of its population come from the Kunama ethnic group, one of nine in Eritrea, and historically the most marginalised. We had rich and fertile land, but the government took it. We weren't an educated people, so they picked on us. I am an example of the first Eritrean refugees, but now people from all nine ethnic groups are coming.
His father and brother died in prison in Eritrea. It is a deep crisis. So why is the international community silent? From other countries it would be easier. His wife is in the US. The answer lies in the past: This is an extract from: Despite this there was still considerable support inside Eritrea for unity with Ethiopia, particularly from among the Christian highlanders.
In Novemberafter intense pressure from Addis Ababa, the federation was ended, and Eritrea was absorbed into Ethiopia. It found most of its support in the Muslim community, although some Christian highlanders, including the future leader of Eritrea, Isayas Afeworki, were also drawn into membership. The EPLF rejected ethnic differences and stood for a secular and socialist state.
Discontent inside the Ethiopian army over the conduct of the war and the handling of a devastating famine, led to the overthrow of the Emperor in Haile Selassie was killed and his rule was replaced by a committee, the Dergue. In time this came under the dictatorial rule of Mengistu Haile Mariam.
After initial discussions with the Eritreans failed, the war was continued and intensified. But the events of led to a second, equally important development. Students from Tigray, angered by the lack of development of their province, and building on the ancient claims of Tigray to be the centre of the Ethiopian state, launched their own campaign to break Amhara rule.
In reality, however, the forms of national identity that the two movements pursued, and in a sense embodied, were rather different. These factors contributed to the origins of the current conflict. The Eritreans saw their struggle as an anti-colonial movement designed to regain a lost political independence. The Tigrayan leadership, on the other hand, moved from a Tigrayan nationalism to an acceptance that they were part of the Ethiopian empire. They regarded the current regime as an oppressive state, which should be overthrown, although they reserved the right to self-determination up to and including independence.
Eritrean identity was more complex and more difficult to forge precisely because it reflected a more diverse population. The Christian agriculturalists of the central highlands share a common language, religion and ethnic background with the mainly Tigrinya speakers inside the Ethiopian region of Tigray, south of the Mereb river.
Intermarriage between Tigrinya speakers of Eritrea and Tigray has traditionally been common. The lowlanders support for the ELF was predominantly motivated by a sense of alienation from a highland government, speaking a different language and espousing a different religion.
The first decade of the armed struggle, from to was largely confined to the Muslim lowlands, and driven more by this sense of alienation than a positive sense of Eritrean nationalism. The EPLF attempted to mobilise Eritrean opinion irrespective of religion, but came up against considerable difficulties.
Not all of the Christians in the highlands supported the cause of independence, and as late as some were still willing to act as armed militia for the Ethiopian administration. Outside the highlands, despite the terror employed by the Mengistu regime, a majority within the Kunama and the Afar people were at best ambivalent about the EPLF, while some actually supported continued unity with Ethiopia.
As a result the EPLF had to fight a vigorous campaign within its own community to win their support, or acquiescence. The EPLF also spent a good deal of time and effort inculcating a wider sense of Eritrean identity in its new recruits. For the TPLF mobilisation in Tigray was relatively simple, since it could call upon an existing concept of Tigrayan nationalism and a history of oppression common to all the areas in which it operated.
They shared a common language, religion and mode of livelihood. In Tigrayan eyes the Amhara had usurped the traditional power base of Ethiopian society, and transferred it from the ancient Tigrayan capital of Axum to Addis Ababa. In its first political programme, released inthe TPLF specified that it was fighting for the independence of Tigray from Ethiopia. This has been a recurrent issue for the movement, and has also been seized upon by its critics.
Would the movement be satisfied with capturing Tigray, or would a hostile government in Addis Ababa require them to fight for the control of all Ethiopia?
The Eritreans fleeing to Ethiopia
By early the TPLF exercised almost total control over the Tigrayan countryside, and was having increasing success against Ethiopian troops in garrisons across the province. Within two weeks garrisoned towns across the province were abandoned, sometimes without a fight. The question now was whether to press on to Addis Ababa. In some 10, TPLF fighters spontaneously returned home. Tigrayan nationalism was, at least for the time being, to be subordinated within a wider Ethiopian identity.
Tigray | central Eritrean people | klokkenluideronline.info
The Eritrean struggle, fromgenerated a powerful sense of collective identity, as did the increasingly genocidal responses of the Dergue towards Tigrayans and Eritreans during the s. It was nationalism forged in blood and with a clear objective in mind, namely an independent Eritrea.UN pleased with Ethiopia, Eritrea efforts to improve relations
Italian rule had fashioned Eritrea just as other European colonisers had brought into being the other states of the continent, after the scramble for Africa at the end of the nineteenth century. Moreover, Italian colonialism had brought with it some of the benefits of European rule, in the shape of modern port facilities, roads and railways. Despite these difficulties, Ahmed already made a name for himself as a peacemaker and many Ethiopians seem to support him in his effort to advance the peace initiative.
Of course, any success Ahmed may achieve would be dependent on the developments on the other side of the border. Expectations even higher in Eritrea Expectations and hopes about the peace process are even higher in Eritrea. Eritreans at home, who have been forced to live in a police state for decades, want normalisation. Eritreans abroad, who had been forced to flee their homeland, want to be able to go back.
And most Eritreans believe peace with Ethiopia can make their wishes come true. It won't be easy for the Eritrean government to suddenly reverse course and tacitly acknowledge its own chronic wrongdoings, but peace with Ethiopia will eventually force Asmara to implement reforms and loosen its grip over its citizens.
The Eritrean government has long been using "the Ethiopian threat" to justify systemic militarisation, oppression and censorship. With the disappearance of the Ethiopian threat, Afwerki's government will be forced to start the process of demilitarisation and the rest will hopefully follow through. The areas most affected by the perpetual "no peace, no war" between Ethiopia and Eritrea are the border settlements that have been effectively reduced to ghost towns and villages.
Once Ethiopian troops leave the area, the Eritrean government will have no excuse for not investing in these towns and villages.